Democratic Socialists of America: Ideology, Organization, Political Strategy, Networks, and Funding.
The constitutional question
The Democratic Socialists of America’s 2026 national program calls for a new constitution and political system. It proposes abolishing the Senate, eliminating the Electoral College, and replacing the President and Supreme Court with an executive and judiciary chosen by and subordinate to Congress. These changes would dismantle core features of the constitutional republic as it now exists and replace them with a democratic socialist republic. That is the central factual finding of this report and the basis for the argument that DSA seeks to end the existing constitutional order.
The rest of the report follows the organization’s own strategy for building power: candidate endorsements and election campaigns, labor organizing, coalitions, mass mobilization, and international political work. It names the people and organizations whose public roles are documented and follows the funding records to the recipient actually named. A source citation, shared campaign, formal partnership, and financial grant are identified as different kinds of connection.
Findings at a glance
DSA is a national membership organization with an elected National Political Committee (NPC), local chapters, committees and working groups. Nationally endorsed candidates pass through chapter endorsement and national review. The organization states a goal of building an independent mass socialist party, even while many candidates currently run as Democrats.
The 2026 “Workers Deserve More” program is the strongest evidence for the report’s central finding. It calls for a new political system and constitution; abolition of the Senate and Electoral College; a unicameral legislature elected proportionally; and an executive and judiciary selected by and subordinate to Congress. DSA calls the result a democratic socialist republic.
DSA’s strategy links electoral campaigns with workplace, tenant, issue, and protest organizing. Official DSA materials describe campaigns as ways to build organized working-class power, not simply to elect individual candidates. Its joint Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee with the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) is a concrete operational partnership.
The best-supported named external relationships include UE through EWOC; selected labor organizations and left organizations invited into DSA’s 2025 convention coalition-building; international coalitions listed by DSA’s International Committee; and candidates endorsed through national or chapter processes. Each tie is labeled by relationship type and date where available.
Financial records show DSA Inc. is primarily funded by member dues: $5.588 million in dues out of $6.386 million total revenue reported for 2024. DSA Fund is a separate 501(c)(3) political-education affiliate. Its filings show grants from charitable intermediaries and foundations. The listed financial relationships are limited to recipients and grant channels documented in public filings.
DSA’s 2017 resistance article cited Erica Chenoweth’s research on mass participation. Chenoweth later discussed noncooperation with Indivisible founders through One Million Rising. Harvard Kennedy School lists Chenoweth as a faculty member and publishes sponsored-project disclosures.
Sources and scope
This report draws on DSA programs and organizational statements, public tax and campaign-finance records, partner organizations’ descriptions of joint work, and published reporting. Leadership, membership and endorsement information is dated where available. The report identifies public leaders, officeholders and organizational relationships.
Organization and history
Origins
DSA was formed in 1982 from the merger of the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee (DSOC), associated with Michael Harrington, and the New American Movement (NAM), a New Left organization. The merger joined a current of democratic socialism rooted in labor, civil rights, and electoral reform with activist networks formed in the movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Harrington had argued for a democratic path to socialism and worked within the broader U.S. left. DSA’s current national organization describes itself as a political and activist organization, not a political party. [S1, S2]
For much of its early history DSA was relatively small. Its growth accelerated after the 2016 presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders and the 2018 election of DSA member Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to Congress. DSA has reported membership growth in waves. Its website has listed more than 95,000 members, while 2026 reporting has placed dues-paying membership above 100,000 and near 120,000; counts vary by date and whether lapsed members are included. [S2, S3]
Governance
The national convention is DSA’s highest deliberative body. Delegates elect the NPC, which directs national work between conventions. DSA’s current governance page describes a 25-person NPC elected every two years; the 2025–2027 committee was elected at the Chicago convention. Chapters organize locally and can receive national charters; the NPC can revoke a charter or place a chapter in trusteeship under the constitution. National committees and commissions handle specific work, including electoral, labor, international, housing, political education, and climate campaigns. [S4, S5]
Internal ideological caucuses compete for leadership and influence over DSA’s program. National positions are adopted through conventions and leadership decisions.
Ideology and stated objective
DSA defines democratic socialism as extending democracy into economic and social life and building a society where working people control major decisions. DSA criticizes capitalism as an undemocratic economic system and advocates collective ownership or social control in important sectors alongside public services, labor power, and democratic planning. [S6]
For this report, the decisive source is the official 2026 political program. It says DSA wants to “win the battle for democracy,” draft a new constitution, and create a “democratic socialist republic.” Among its concrete institutional proposals are abolition of the Senate, a unicameral federal legislature using proportional representation, and replacement of the President and Supreme Court with an executive and judiciary chosen by and subordinate to Congress. The program also calls for ending the Electoral College and extending voting rights. [S7]
Abolishing a chamber of Congress and changing the selection and independence of the executive and judiciary would fundamentally redesign the constitutional system. DSA’s program presents this transformation as democratic political action culminating in a new constitution. [S7]
Question | Documented answer |
Does DSA call for preserving the existing constitutional arrangement unchanged? | No. Its 2026 program expressly proposes a new constitution and changes to the Senate, presidency, judiciary, and electoral system. |
Does DSA state its intended replacement? | Yes. It calls the proposed order a democratic socialist republic, with a unicameral legislature and executive and judiciary subordinate to it. |
Is the project anti-Republican Party? | DSA’s materials target capitalist and Republican political power and seek to defeat Trumpism; the broader published program is explicitly anti-capitalist and anti-two-party-system. It seeks a socialist party-building project, not simply Democratic Party loyalty. |
Strategy and theory of power
DSA’s organizing model works across several arenas. Electoral campaigns recruit members and supporters, develop candidates, and put policy demands into government. Workplace organizing aims to build durable worker organization. Tenant and community campaigns mobilize around housing, public services, policing, immigration, and climate. Protest and noncooperation campaigns use public pressure to change policy or institutions. DSA’s materials describe these as interlocking forms of building working-class power. [S8, S9]
A candidate seeking national DSA endorsement first needs local chapter endorsement, then undergoes review involving the National Electoral Commission and NPC. DSA says candidates are expected to be members and to accept and promote its program to the best of their ability. The process links candidate selection to membership, program alignment and organizational strategy. [S10]
DSA’s current electoral materials state its aim of becoming an independent mass socialist party. In practice, many endorsed candidates run in Democratic primaries because the U.S. electoral system gives third parties limited access and viability. This yields a dual strategy: intervene in Democratic primaries and officeholding while building the organizational identity and future capacity of a separate socialist party. DSA’s 2025 convention Resolution 33, “Unite Labor & the Left to Run a Socialist For President and Build the Party,” pushes this project toward a possible 2028 presidential effort and a left-labor coalition. [S11, S12]
DSA’s strategy combines electoral participation with building an independent socialist political organization. Its published endpoint is a democratic socialist republic. [S7, S10–S12]
National structure and operating units
Entity | Role | Evidence and relationship |
National Convention | Adopts resolutions and program; elects NPC | Delegates vote on national direction every two years. [S4] |
National Political Committee | Highest elected national leadership between conventions | Directs implementation; can charter, oversee, or discipline chapters under constitution. [S4, S5] |
National Electoral Commission | Supports candidate strategy and endorsements | National endorsement follows chapter endorsement and national review. [S10] |
Chapters | Local membership organizations | Organize campaigns and endorse candidates; national charter creates formal DSA affiliation. |
National Labor Commission | Labor strategy and member support | DSA describes its membership as workers, union members, union staff, organizers and labor-oriented intellectuals. [S13] |
International Committee | International solidarity, political education, coalition work | Recognized by NPC and directed by convention/NPC resolutions. [S14] |
DSA Fund | Separate 501(c)(3) political education entity | Related to DSA but legally separate; does not receive DSA member dues according to its own explanation. [S15] |
National committees and working groups provide functional channels for member activity. The DSA website lists committees/commissions in electoral work, labor, housing justice, climate, international work, political education, trans rights, and other areas. Working groups and commissions are member-led, but national leadership retains governance authority through the constitution and convention structure. Exact rosters and committee names change over time; this report records functional units rather than treating one web roster as permanent. [S13]
Named national leadership roster
DSA’s official leadership page lists the following 25 members of the 2025–2027 National Political Committee. National co-chairs are identified. [S40]
National Political Committee member | Public role |
Ashik Siddique | National Co-Chair |
Megan Romer | National Co-Chair |
Abdullah Farooq | NPC member |
Ahmed Husain | NPC member |
Amy Wilhelm | NPC member |
Andrew Thompson | NPC member |
Cara Tobe | NPC member |
Cerena Ermitanio | NPC member |
Christian Araos | NPC member |
Clayton Ryles | NPC member |
Cliff Connolly | NPC member |
David Jenkins | NPC member |
Eleanor Babaev | NPC member |
Ella Teevan | NPC member |
Frances Gill | NPC member |
Francesca Maria | NPC member |
Hayley Banyai-Becker | NPC member |
Hazel Williams | NPC member |
Jeremy Cohan | NPC member |
John Lewis | NPC member |
Kareem Elrefai | NPC member |
Katie Sims | NPC member |
Luisa Martínez | NPC member |
Sarah Milner | NPC member |
Sidney Carlson White | NPC member |
DSA’s structure page notes a 25-person committee. Youth-section representatives may also participate under DSA’s constitutional and current governance rules; the roster above reproduces the official 25 names displayed on the national leadership page. The page is the authoritative source for updates if vacancies or appointments change.
Elections and elected officials
Prominent figures with documented DSA membership or endorsement histories include Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib and Zohran Mamdani. Membership, national endorsement and local chapter endorsement are separate relationships; endorsement records below identify the applicable cycle and level where the cited record does so. [S64–S68]
DSA’s current national endorsement process evaluates candidates’ alignment with its program and electoral strategy. The 2025 convention also adopted Resolution 33, “Unite Labor & the Left to Run a Socialist For President and Build the Party,” calling for a left-labor coalition and a socialist presidential candidate in 2028. The resolution and convention discussions describe organizational goals; they do not establish that every organization named in coalition proposals is a formal DSA partner. [S10–S12, S71]
Federal campaign-finance records cover registered federal committees and their reported receipts and disbursements. They do not combine those records with state or local committees, candidate committees, nonprofit filings, volunteer activity or in-kind support. [S19, S47, S49, S55]
The table lists the three prominent figures discussed above, candidates named in the National Electoral Commission’s 2026 endorsement posts, and all ten candidates on NYC-DSA’s published 2026 slate. It is a report-specific list, not a census of every DSA-endorsed candidate. [S41, S61–S63]
Candidate | Office or campaign | Documented DSA relationship |
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez | U.S. House, New York’s 14th District | DSA member; endorsed in 2018. Later endorsement relationships are election-cycle specific. [S16, S17] |
Rashida Tlaib | U.S. House, Michigan’s 12th District | DSA member and nationally endorsed; appeared at the 2025 DSA convention. [S16, S17] |
Zohran Mamdani | New York City mayor, 2025 campaign | DSA member; endorsed by NYC-DSA and elected mayor in 2025. [S16, S17] |
Robert LeVertis Bell | Kentucky House District 43 | National DSA endorsement; Louisville DSA member. [S61] |
Adam Bojak | New York State Assembly, 149th District | National DSA endorsement; Buffalo DSA. [S61] |
Bobby Nichols | Tempe City Council | National DSA endorsement; Phoenix-Metro DSA. [S61] |
Andrew Hairston | Travis County Justice of the Peace | National DSA endorsement; Austin DSA. [S61] |
Tammy Carpenter | Oregon State House | National DSA endorsement; Portland DSA. [S61] |
Marek Broderick | Burlington City Council | National DSA endorsement; Green Mountain DSA. [S61] |
Oliver Larkin | U.S. House, Florida’s 23rd District | National DSA endorsement; four Florida DSA chapters also endorsed him locally. [S61] |
Val Thomason | Nevada State Assembly, District 10 | National DSA endorsement. [S61] |
Richie Floyd | St. Petersburg City Council, District 8 | National DSA endorsement; Pinellas County DSA. [S61] |
Andrea Parr | Louisville Metro Council, District 9 | National DSA endorsement; Louisville DSA. [S61] |
Chris Rabb | U.S. House, Pennsylvania’s 3rd District | National DSA endorsement; Philadelphia DSA. [S61] |
Claire Valdez | U.S. House, New York’s 7th District | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Darializa Avila Chevalier | U.S. House, New York’s 13th District | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Aber Kawas | New York State Senate, District 12 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Diana Moreno | New York State Assembly, District 36 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Samantha Kattan | New York State Assembly, District 37 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
David Orkin | New York State Assembly, District 38 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Christian Celeste Tate | New York State Assembly, District 54 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Eon Huntley | New York State Assembly, District 56 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Illapa Sairitupac | New York State Assembly, District 65 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
Conrad Blackburn | New York State Assembly, District 70 | NYC-DSA 2026 slate; local chapter endorsement. [S62] |
These names reflect the specific endorsement records cited in this section. Brookings separately identified 282 candidates with public DSA chapter endorsements or recommendations through August 12, 2026, including 29 with national endorsements; its count is broader than this table. [S63]
Labor and workplace organizing network
The Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC) identifies itself as a joint project of DSA and the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE). EWOC provides volunteer support to workers seeking to organize their workplaces. [S20]
EWOC connects workers with volunteer organizers who help assess conditions, build workplace committees and plan collective action. DSA describes the project as a way for members to apply organizing training to workplace campaigns. Published accounts describe campaigns involving retail, food service, education and nonprofit workplaces. [S21]
DSA’s 2025 convention invited representatives of labor unions, tenant unions, grassroots and advocacy organizations, and international parties to a political exchange about party-building and a possible May Day 2028 coalition. Resolution 33 separately called for building a left-labor coalition and named unions and political organizations in that proposal. These are records of invitations and proposed coalition-building, not proof that every named group accepted or entered a formal partnership. UE’s relationship is different: DSA and UE describe EWOC as a joint project. [S12, S20, S22, S71]
DSA’s program places labor organizing within a broader strategy of building class power and changing the political system. Workplace campaigns develop organized constituencies that can exert economic pressure, support candidates and pursue the adopted program. [S7–S9, S21]
Coalition and nonprofit relationships
DSA works with or alongside issue groups in tenant, racial justice, climate, immigrant rights, Palestine solidarity, antiwar and electoral campaigns. The organizational network changes locally, and the same coalition partner may have a formal project in one city and a one-time joint action elsewhere. The official DSA International Committee describes formal memberships in named coalitions; local chapters publish their own campaign partners and endorsements. [S14, S23]
The 2025 convention site describes invitations to representatives from labor unions, tenant unions, grassroots and advocacy organizations, and international parties to discuss party-building and a May Day 2028 coalition. The stated aim is to connect DSA with organizations capable of mass mobilization. [S12]
The table distinguishes a joint project from organizations named in coalition-building discussions and from other forms of contact. An invitation or a proposal to work together does not, by itself, establish a formal partnership. [S12, S20, S22, S71]
Organization | Documented DSA relationship | Classification |
United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) | DSA and UE describe EWOC as their joint workplace-organizing project. | Formal joint project. [S20] |
United Auto Workers (UAW) | Named in reporting on Resolution 33’s proposed left-labor coalition. | Named in a coalition proposal; not evidence of a signed DSA partnership. [S71] |
National Nurses United (NNU) | Named in reporting on Resolution 33’s proposed left-labor coalition. | Named in a coalition proposal; not evidence of a signed DSA partnership. [S71] |
Service Employees International Union (SEIU) | Named in reporting on Resolution 33’s proposed left-labor coalition. | Named in a coalition proposal; not evidence of a signed DSA partnership. [S71] |
Communications Workers of America (CWA) | Named in reporting on Resolution 33’s proposed left-labor coalition. | Named in a coalition proposal; not evidence of a signed DSA partnership. [S71] |
Working Families Party | Named in reporting on Resolution 33’s proposed left-labor coalition. | Named in a coalition proposal; not evidence of a signed DSA partnership. [S71] |
Vermont Progressive Party | Named in reporting on Resolution 33’s proposed left-labor coalition. | Named in a coalition proposal; not evidence of a signed DSA partnership. [S71] |
Alliance for Cuba Engagement and Respect (ACERE) | Listed by DSA’s International Committee among its coalitions. | Formal coalition relationship as described by the committee. [S14] |
National Network on Cuba | Listed by DSA’s International Committee in its international solidarity work. | Organizational relationship as described by the committee. [S14] |
Black Alliance for Peace Solidarity Network | Listed by DSA’s International Committee. | Network relationship as described by the committee. [S14] |
Foro de São Paulo | DSA’s International Committee lists associate membership. | Associate membership. [S14] |
Peace in Ukraine Coalition | Listed by DSA’s International Committee among its coalitions. | Coalition relationship as described by the committee. [S14] |
International work and foreign political relationships
DSA’s International Committee is an official national committee recognized by the NPC. Its stated mission is political education and solidarity with international activists, workers, movements and parties; it also interfaces with left parties abroad to exchange organizing lessons. DSA’s own site lists formal coalition memberships, including ACERE, the Black Alliance for Peace Solidarity Network, the National Network on Cuba, the Peace in Ukraine Coalition, and associate membership in the Foro de São Paulo. [S14, S24]
DSA’s foreign policy work includes Palestine solidarity and BDS advocacy, normalization of relations with Cuba, antiwar campaigns and opposition to U.S. intervention. DSA’s 2025 convention adopted Resolution 22, “For a Fighting Anti-Zionist DSA.” DSA’s current national endorsement materials list candidate criteria concerning BDS, affiliation with the Israeli government or Zionist lobby groups, and legislation related to Palestinian liberation. The resolution and the current endorsement rules are distinct records and should be cited separately. [S10, S72]
Research, Erica Chenoweth, and mobilization
In December 2017, DSA published “How to Sustain the Resistance to Trump and Win,” citing Erica Chenoweth’s research on civil resistance, including the 3.5% participation threshold. The article applied that research to sustained organizing and mass mobilization against the Trump administration. [S25]
Erica Chenoweth is a Harvard Kennedy School political scientist whose research examines civil resistance, mass participation and nonviolent campaigns. Her faculty profile lists research sponsors and project disclosures. [S26]
In July 2025, Chenoweth joined Indivisible founders Ezra Levin and Leah Greenberg to discuss One Million Rising, an initiative to train people in political organizing and noncooperation. The documented connection is through Chenoweth: DSA cited her research, and she later participated in a public discussion of the initiative with Indivisible’s founders. [S27, S28]
DSA’s 2017 article explains how the organization applied research on civil resistance to sustained political organizing. Its 2026 program states DSA’s goal of creating a new constitutional order. Together, these publications describe both DSA’s organizing strategy and its stated political objective. [S7, S25]
Financial structure and public records
DSA national is organized as a 501(c)(4) social welfare organization. Its primary national revenue is membership dues. DSA Fund is a separate 501(c)(3) charity for political education and related projects. DSA Fund says it receives no member dues and does not intervene in political campaigns; its charitable status means its activities and funding rules differ from DSA Inc. [S15, S29]
DSA Inc.’s 2024 Form 990 reports $6,386,022 in total revenue and $5,587,943 in membership dues, approximately 87.5% of total revenue. The separate DSA Fund’s 2024 Form 990 reports about $399,886 in revenue, primarily contributions and grants. [S30, S31]
A 2019–2024 grant-tracking aggregation reported approximately $690,000 received by DSA Fund across 36 grants from 15 funders. Named grantors include Fidelity Investments Charitable Gift Fund, Donor Advised Charitable Giving, American Online Giving Foundation, National Philanthropic Trust, Vanguard Charitable and Community Foundation of Tompkins County. Donor-advised fund records identify the sponsoring charity; underlying recommending donors are not identified in the entries reviewed. [S32, S33]
The 2024 filing reports grants of about $38,320 from Community Foundation of Tompkins County and $24,000 from Donor Advised Charitable Giving. The grant aggregation lists National Philanthropic Trust’s $50,000 grant in FY2024. The named recipient is DSA Fund. [S31, S39, S43]
Figure 1. Separate DSA Inc. dues and total revenue from aggregated DSA Fund grant receipts. Periods differ; the chart is contextual, not a year-on-year comparison. Sources: [S30–S33].
Companies, foundations and intermediaries
The reviewed DSA Fund grant-receipt records name two corporate-affiliated charitable foundations: Pfizer Foundation Inc. and AmazonSmile Foundation. The filings attribute grants to those foundations, not to Pfizer Inc. or Amazon.com Inc. as operating companies. The same records list charitable giving sponsors and intermediaries, including Fidelity Investments Charitable Gift Fund, Vanguard Charitable, National Philanthropic Trust, Donor Advised Charitable Giving Inc., American Online Giving Foundation Inc., Jewish Communal Fund and The Blackbaud Giving Fund. A named sponsor is not the same as a disclosed recommending donor. [S32, S39, S43]
Name in record | Record-supported link | Grantor type and donor disclosure |
Fidelity Investments Charitable Gift Fund / Fidelity Charitable | DSA Fund grants totaling about $193,000 across seven grants, 2019–2024. | Donor-advised fund sponsor; recommending donors are not identified in the cited grant record. |
Donor Advised Charitable Giving Inc. | DSA Fund grants totaling about $186,000 across five grants, 2020–2024. | Charitable intermediary / DAF sponsor; recommending donors are not identified in the cited grant record. |
American Online Giving Foundation | DSA Fund grants totaling about $137,000 across six grants, 2019–2024. | Giving intermediary; the record names the foundation. |
National Philanthropic Trust | DSA Fund grant of $50,000 in FY2024. | Charitable intermediary / DAF sponsor; recommending donor not identified in the cited record. |
Vanguard Charitable Endowment Program | DSA Fund grant of about $38,000 in FY2023. | Charitable DAF sponsor. |
Community Foundation of Tompkins County | DSA Fund grant of about $38,000 in FY2024. | Community foundation; the recipient record does not identify the original donor. |
The Pfizer Foundation, Inc. | Five DSA Fund grants totaling $730, 2021–2024, including $160 in FY2024. | Separate charitable foundation; the record names the foundation, not Pfizer Inc. |
Jewish Communal Fund | The grant aggregation lists one grant of about $6,000 in FY2020. | Donor-advised fund sponsor; the cited record does not identify the recommending donor. |
AmazonSmile Foundation | Three DSA Fund grants totaling about $12,000, 2020–2023. | Separate charitable foundation; the record names the foundation, not Amazon.com Inc. |
Harvard and federal research funding question
Harvard filed suit in April 2025 after the federal government terminated more than $2.2 billion in research grants. A federal district court ruled for Harvard in September 2025; the government appealed, and the First Circuit heard arguments on October 5, 2026. As of October 24, 2026, the appeal remained pending in the sources reviewed. Harvard Kennedy School’s faculty profile lists sponsors for Chenoweth’s projects, including private and federal sponsors. The sources reviewed do not identify the source that funded the specific research cited in DSA’s 2017 article. [S26, S34, S69]
Protest and noncooperation strategy
DSA publications endorse mass organizing, protest, strikes, economic pressure and noncooperation as political tools. The 2017 resistance article cites civil-resistance scholarship, while the 2026 program proposes a new constitutional arrangement. Together, these materials describe political mobilization directed toward institutional transformation. [S7, S25]
What the evidence establishes
Subject | Documented finding | Source |
Constitutional program | New constitution, abolition of the Senate, and executive and judiciary subordinate to Congress. | [S7] |
Mass resistance research | DSA’s 2017 article cites Chenoweth’s work; later public events discuss noncooperation. | [S25–S28] |
Labor partnership | EWOC is a joint project of DSA and UE. Other unions appear in convention coalition discussions. | [S20, S22] |
Organizing strategy | Electoral campaigns, workplace organizing, protest and coalition building support DSA’s political program. | [S7–S12, S20–S22] |
DSA’s adopted program goes beyond ordinary policy adjustments. It calls for replacing the current constitutional architecture with a democratic socialist republic, including a unicameral legislature and an executive and judiciary subordinate to Congress. DSA’s own materials connect its political program to membership growth, labor organizing, electoral campaigns, and coalition-building. The record therefore supports the argument that DSA seeks to dismantle the present constitutional structure and build a different form of government through organized political power.
Relationship map
Figure 2. Relationships described in DSA, EWOC, UE and research publications. Arrows identify joint projects, organizational links and research citations.
Additional records and expanded financial record
Further research extends the financial record through multiyear DSA Inc. and DSA Fund Forms 990, chapter returns and state charity filings, FEC and state campaign-finance transactions, committee budgets, convention resolutions, grantor returns, and public partnership agreements covering separate national, chapter, campaign, charitable, and coalition entities. The available filings support a funding ledger that records each payer, recipient, date or tax year, amount, and stated purpose. Donor-advised fund entries identify the sponsoring charity, and name the recommending donor when publicly disclosed; corporate foundations and operating companies are recorded as separate entities. Amounts below are reported by the named organization or taken from IRS returns and election-finance systems. A fiscal-year amount is not a dated check transaction, so when a public record gives only the tax year, the ledger records the year rather than inferring a payment date.
National DSA Inc finances, FY2020–FY2024
DSA Inc’s five most recent returns show total annual revenue between $5.7 million and $6.9 million. Its reported surpluses and deficits vary substantially: a $1.8 million surplus in FY2020, $1.2 million in FY2021, near balance in FY2022, a $934,000 deficit in FY2023, and a $906,000 surplus in FY2024. Net assets ended FY2024 at $4.694 million. The annual returns identify member dues as the principal source: $5,587,943, or 87.5% of the 2024 total. [S30, S42]
Fiscal year | Revenue | Expenses | Surplus / (deficit) | Year-end net assets |
2020 | $6.0m | $4.2m | $1.8m | $3.5m |
2021 | $6.9m | $5.6m | $1.2m | $4.7m |
2022 | $5.7m | $5.7m | $5k | $4.6m |
2023 | $6.2m | $7.1m | ($934k) | $3.7m |
2024 | $6.386m | $5.480m | $906k | $4.694m |
Revenue and expense trend, reported dollars in millions
The chart shows rounded annual revenue and expense totals for FY2020–FY2024. DSA Inc.’s FY2024 Form 990 separately reports $6,223,901 in contributions, gifts, and grants, including $5,587,943 in membership dues and $635,958 in other contributions, gifts, and grants. It also reports $56,962 in program-service revenue, $45,172 in investment income, and $41,147 in inventory sales. Total functional expenses were $5.480 million: $2.531 million classified as program services, $2.581 million as management and general, and $369,000 as fundraising. The Form 990’s functional classifications are accounting categories; they do not assign individual costs to specific campaigns or political outcomes. [S30, S42]
DSA Fund: named grant sources and outward grants
IRS-derived grant records aggregate $690,000 across 36 reported grants from 15 grantors to DSA Fund during 2019–2024. The amounts below are aggregated by grantor over that period; the grantor table does not disclose an individual human recommender for donor-advised-fund grants. Some grant descriptions in the underlying filings are generic, including “for grant recipient’s exempt purposes.” [S32, S39, S43]
Grantor named in record | Total / grants | Years shown | Entity classification / record detail |
Fidelity Investments Charitable Gift Fund | $193,000 / 7 | 2019–2024 | Public charity and donor-advised-fund sponsor; individual recommending donors not identified in the grant record. |
Donor Advised Charitable Giving Inc | $186,000 / 5 | 2020–2024 | Charitable intermediary / DAF sponsor. |
American Online Giving Foundation Inc | $137,000 / 6 | 2019–2024 | Giving intermediary; record names foundation. |
National Philanthropic Trust | $50,000 / 1 | 2024 | Charitable intermediary / DAF sponsor. |
Community Foundation of Tompkins County Inc | $38,000 / 1 | 2024 | Community foundation; reported amount rounded in aggregation. |
Vanguard Charitable Endowment Program | $38,000 / 1 | 2023 | Charitable DAF sponsor; reported amount rounded. |
Amazonsmile Foundation | $12,000 / 3 | 2020–2023 | Separate charitable foundation associated with AmazonSmile; not an Amazon operating-company payment. |
One World Fund Trust | $10,000 / 1 | 2022 | Trust; grantor name as reported. |
Network for Good Inc | $8,000 / 1 | 2020 | Charitable giving intermediary. |
The Blackbaud Giving Fund | $7,000 / 1 | 2022 | Charitable giving intermediary. |
Jewish Communal Fund | $6,000 / 1 | 2020 | Charitable DAF sponsor. |
Ab Regester Foundation | $2,000 / 1 | 2024 | Foundation; amount rounded in aggregation. |
Pfizer Foundation Inc | $730 / 5 | 2021–2024 | Separate charitable foundation; not Pfizer Inc. Individual reported grants include $200 (2021), $50 (2022), $320 total (2023), and $160 (2024). |
Perl Nelson Family Foundation Inc | $500 / 1 | 2020 | Private foundation. |
Foundation for a Just Society | $100 / 1 | 2023 | Private foundation. |
Amounts in this summary are rounded by the data publisher except the Pfizer Foundation total. The aggregate adds to approximately $690,000 because source values are rounded. The grantor returns and DSA Fund’s Schedule B may provide different levels of detail; public disclosure does not necessarily reveal the original donor behind a DAF sponsor. [S32, S39, S43]
DSA Fund’s FY2024 Form 990 reports $399,886 in revenue, $378,788 in expenses and $683,363 in year-end net assets. Contributions and grants were $374,699; investment income was $20,116. The grant aggregation reports four outgoing grants between FY2020 and FY2024: $40,693 and $25,000 to a grantee listed as “Democratic Socialists of America Inc,” $12,000 to a grantee listed as “Dsa Inc,” and $7,500 to Princeton University Press. The aggregation counts three grantee names. Because it spells the DSA recipient differently across filings, this report preserves the names as shown and does not treat them as separate legal entities without an EIN match. [S31, S33, S44]
Tax year | Payer | Recipient name as reported | Amount | Purpose stated / record |
FY2020 | DSA Fund | Democratic Socialists of America Inc | $40,693 | Grant recipient entry |
FY2020 | DSA Fund | Princeton University Press | $7,500 | Grant recipient entry |
FY2023 | DSA Fund | Democratic Socialists of America Inc | $25,000 | Grant recipient entry |
FY2024 | DSA Fund | Democratic Socialists of America Inc | $12,000 | Grant recipient entry |
The cited grant-by page reports four grants to three listed grantees, while its displayed rows show two spellings for the DSA recipient. The report should not silently turn those listed names into verified separate entities or consolidate them without confirming the recipient EINs. philanthropy.org
Chapter returns: separate filings
Chapter corporations file under their own EINs and report their own finances. The examples below show why a national return cannot be treated as a consolidated DSA balance sheet. NYC-DSA’s FY2025 return reports $1,632,354 revenue, $547,220 expenses and $1,085,134 year-end net assets. Chicago DSA’s FY2024 990-EZ reports $59,980 revenue, $76,207 expenses and $68,847 year-end net assets. These filings do not establish that every chapter is separately incorporated or that all local political activity appears in the chapter’s return. [S45, S46]
Entity / EIN | Fiscal year | Revenue | Expenses | Net assets | Return |
New York City DSA Inc / 33-2776362 | 2025 | $1,632,354 | $547,220 | $1,085,134 | Form 990 |
Chicago DSA / 36-3552084 | 2024 | $59,980 | $76,207 | $68,847 | Form 990-EZ |
Metro DC DSA / 82-5231340 | 2023 (FY ends Jan.) | $70,305 | $60,489 | $73,652 | Form 990-EZ |
Philadelphia DSA / 81-4444518 | 2017 (oldest/latest surfaced) | $17,758 | $12,663 | $5,384 | Form 990-EZ |
Metro DC’s ProPublica record identifies FY2023 as its latest visible return and flags the organization as absent from the IRS’s most recent exempt-organization list. Philadelphia’s profile currently surfaces a FY2017 990-EZ. Those records are historical snapshots, not current-year budgets; the chapter-level registry and IRS status should be checked against the relevant state filing system for a current compliance determination. [S59, S60]
Campaign finance: committee accounts and campaign payments
New York City Campaign Finance Board data show a direct campaign-to-chapter payment: Zohran Mamdani’s 2025 mayoral campaign reported a $28,677.57 payment to “NYC Democratic Socialists of A” on September 15, 2025, with the purpose entered as “Other: explntion / Texting.” This direction is candidate campaign → chapter, not company → DSA. The CFB database also records other cycle payments; this specific row is the clearly identified transaction in the cited official result. [S48]
A separate Texas filing records Austin DSA as the source of an in-kind contribution to Austinites for Equity: $1,185.34 on October 15, 2025, described as campaign literature. This is chapter-to-campaign support, not a corporate contribution. [S58]
Date | Payer | Recipient | Amount | Purpose as filed | Record |
2025-09-15 | Mamdani for Mayor | NYC Democratic Socialists of A | $28,677.57 | “Other: explntion / Texting” | NYC CFB |
2025-10-15 | Austin DSA | Austinites for Equity | $1,185.34 | In-kind: campaign literature | Austin Ethics Commission |
State committee entries are a separate disclosure layer from federal PAC reports and nonprofit returns. NYC-DSA’s New York political committee has state filings under the committee name “NYC DSA Political Committee.” A proper transaction ledger should retain the filing committee, contributor/payee, filing date, transaction date, amount, purpose, election cycle and amendment status as separate fields. The employer text reported for an individual contributor is not itself evidence that the employer donated. [S49]
For the same 2025–2026 cycle, the FEC reports DSA Inc PAC C00419572 received $0 and disbursed $84 through June 30, 2026. The NYC-DSA Federal PAC C00879734 reported $8,155.75 in receipts and $5,039.66 in disbursements through September 30, 2026. They are separate committees with different coverage cutoffs; neither total includes state committee transactions or candidate committees. [S19, S47, S55]
A New York state committee database also records individual contributions to NYC DSA Political Committee. For example, it lists Jesse Meyerson’s $200 contribution dated June 7, 2025, and reports $2,017.20 in cumulative contributions from Jeremy Cohan to that committee through the database’s June 8, 2026 update. These are individual contributions. The database’s employer field for a donor, where provided, identifies the donor’s reported employer and does not convert the receipt into a company contribution. [S56, S57]
Budgets and convention actions
In January 2026, DSA’s National Political Committee publicly announced $1 million in direct grant funding to chapters during the year, alongside planned hiring of more full-time staff, member-leadership stipends and organizing tools. A February NPC newsletter described an $850,000 Chapter Development Grants allocation that local chapters could apply to across campaign work, membership engagement, equity and administration. These are national political leadership announcements; the available posts do not provide the final recipient-by-recipient payments ledger. [S50, S51]
For 2026, DSA’s internal org-tools budgeting page says chapter allowances are tier-based and scale with chapter size. It also gives chapter spending estimates for text and calling programs and directs chapters to obtain exact allowance figures through the organization’s internal budgeting process. [S52]
A budget document presented to NYC-DSA members and described in City & State New York reported monthly revenue of about $84,700, including more than $27,000 in national dues share and more than $45,000 in optional local dues. The report covered a member resolution to pilot full-time paid leadership positions at $95,000 each plus benefits. The published report describes a proposal and budget presentation; it is not a filed audit or a complete chapter general ledger. [S53]
At the 2025 national convention, DSA said it invited representatives of labor unions, tenant unions, grassroots and advocacy groups, and international parties to a discussion bloc connected to party-building and a proposed May Day 2028 coalition. DSA’s convention page describes the invitation and event; it does not publish a signed partnership agreement or a roster of financial commitments. The separate EWOC page calls EWOC a joint project of DSA and UE, documenting an ongoing organizational partnership. No public agreement with budget terms was located in the reviewed sources. [S20, S54]
Named companies, foundations and intermediaries
In the reviewed DSA Fund grant-receipt records, the corporate-linked entity that appears by name is Pfizer Foundation Inc ($730 over five grants, 2021–2024), a legally separate charitable foundation. AmazonSmile Foundation is also named ($12,000 across three grants in 2020–2023); the record is a foundation grant and does not identify Amazon.com Inc as payer. Fidelity Investments Charitable Gift Fund, Vanguard Charitable, National Philanthropic Trust, Donor Advised Charitable Giving, American Online Giving Foundation, Jewish Communal Fund and The Blackbaud Giving Fund appear as charitable giving sponsors/intermediaries, not as disclosed recommending individuals. The reviewed DSA Fund grant records identify no operating-company payer in these entries; each reported grant names a charitable foundation or intermediary. [S32, S39, S43]
The report’s company list therefore contains only entities expressly named in the public grant records, with legal form and relationship stated. If an operating company’s employee appears in a campaign filing, that is recorded as a contributor’s self-reported employer, not as corporate financial support. Likewise, a corporate foundation grant is attributed to the foundation named on the filing, not automatically to its corporate affiliate.
Public partnership and coalition record
The strongest documented operational relationship remains EWOC, described by both DSA and UE as their joint workplace-organizing project. The 2025 DSA convention documents invitations to union, tenant, advocacy and international representatives for coalition discussions. DSA’s International Committee separately lists formal coalitions and campaign actions in its published materials. These records show public organizational links and joint activity; no public agreement located here discloses shared budgets or grants. [S20–S24, S54]
The record that can be assembled from these sources is therefore a connected structure with several distinct flows: member dues enter DSA Inc; charity grants enter DSA Fund through named intermediaries and foundations; DSA Fund reports a small number of grants back to DSA Inc and to Princeton University Press; national DSA announces chapter-development funding; local chapters maintain separate tax and campaign records; and a candidate committee paid NYC-DSA for texting. Each flow needs its own payer/payee fields and cannot be combined into a single “DSA funding” figure without double-counting or changing the legal recipient.
Conclusion
DSA’s published program calls for a new constitutional order, specifying changes to the legislature, executive, judiciary and electoral system. Its strategy combines electoral endorsements, candidate development, workplace organizing, coalition building, mass protest and noncooperation. The report documents the organizations and public figures involved and identifies the form of each relationship.
DSA Inc.’s largest reported revenue source is membership dues. DSA Fund separately receives charitable grants through donor-advised funds, foundations and other grantors. DSA cited Chenoweth’s research in 2017; the funding source for that specific research was not identified in the records reviewed.
Sources and records
Source identifiers correspond to citations in the report. They identify the specific records used; a source entry is not evidence of a relationship beyond what that source documents.
[S1] DSA history and organization — https://www.dsausa.org/about-us/
[S2] DSA FAQ and organization description — https://www.dsausa.org/resources/faq/
[S3] DSA committees — https://www.dsausa.org/committees/
[S4] DSA leadership and structure — https://www.dsausa.org/about-us/structure/
[S5] DSA Constitution and Bylaws — https://www.dsausa.org/about-us/constitution/
[S6] DSA political education and democratic socialism — https://www.dsausa.org/
[S7] DSA, Workers Deserve More 2026 program (PDF) — https://program.dsausa.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/09/WDM-Program.pdf
[S8] DSA National Electoral Commission, About — https://electoral.dsausa.org/about/
[S9] Democratic Left, DSA 2026 program launch article — https://democraticleft.dsausa.org/2026/07/17/dsa-launches-new-program/
[S10] DSA National Electoral Commission, endorsement process — https://electoral.dsausa.org/dsa-endorsement/
[S11] DSA 2025 National Convention materials — https://convention2025.dsausa.org/
[S12] DSA 2025 convention political exchange and coalition-building discussion — https://convention2025.dsausa.org/political-exchange/
[S13] DSA committees — https://www.dsausa.org/committees/
[S14] DSA International Committee, actions and coalition listings — https://international.dsausa.org/actions/
[S15] DSA Fund, legal and organizational description — https://dsafund.org/
[S16] DSA 2025 National Convention overview and proceedings — https://www.dsausa.org/convention2025/
[S17] DSA National Electoral Commission, campaigns and endorsement records — https://electoral.dsausa.org/our-campaigns/
[S18] Wall Street Journal, DSA candidate questionnaires and strategy — https://www.wsj.com/politics/elections/the-democratic-socialists-have-a-plan-to-push-hakeem-jeffries-to-the-left-28735026
[S19] Federal Election Commission, DSA Inc. PAC committee record C00419572 — https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00419572/
[S20] Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee, project description — https://workerorganizing.org/about/
[S21] DSA, account of EWOC organizing — https://www.dsausa.org/blog/wanted-an-army-of-organizers/
[S22] DSA 2025 convention political exchange — https://convention2025.dsausa.org/political-exchange/
[S23] DSA International Committee — https://international.dsausa.org/
[S24] DSA International Committee, About — https://international.dsausa.org/about-the-ic/
[S25] DSA, “How to Sustain the Resistance to Trump and Win” (2017) — https://www.dsausa.org/blog/how_to_sustain_the_resistance_to_trump_and_win/
[S26] Harvard Kennedy School, Erica Chenoweth faculty profile and project disclosures — https://www.hks.harvard.edu/faculty/erica-chenoweth
[S27] Indivisible Santa Fe, Chenoweth and One Million Rising event summary — https://indivisiblesantafe.org/whats-the-plan-with-erica-chenoweth/
[S28] Axios, report on Indivisible’s One Million Rising training initiative — https://www.axios.com/2025/07/14/trump-administration-protests-indivisible-organizing
[S29] DSA Fund Forms 990 — https://dsafund.org/990s/
[S30] ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, DSA Inc. FY2024 Form 990 — https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/133109557/202503209349302100/full
[S31] DSA Fund FY2024 Form 990 — https://dsafund.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/DSA-Fund-990_2024.pdf
[S32] DSA Fund grant aggregation, 2019–2024 — https://philanthropy.org/990/who-funds/132893010/answer
[S33] IRS-filed DSA Fund FY2024 Form 990 — https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/cor/132893010_202412_990_2026021923952146.pdf
[S34] Harvard Gazette, federal research funding case update — https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2025/09/court-victory-for-harvard-in-research-funding-fight/
[S35] Fidelity Charitable, donor-advised fund description — https://www.fidelitycharitable.org/about-us.html
[S36] Pfizer, separate legal entity disclosure for The Pfizer Foundation — https://www.pfizer.com/about/responsibility/global-impact/the-pfizer-foundation
[S37] Associated Press, AmazonSmile program closure — https://apnews.com/article/0c0cb5a4526adf87d7c16ce908325d46
[S38] ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, DSA Fund — https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/132893010
[S39] Philanthropy.org, IRS-derived DSA Fund grantor details — https://philanthropy.org/990/report/132893010/democratic-socialists-of-america-fund-inc
[S40] DSA 2025–2027 National Political Committee roster — https://www.dsausa.org/about-us/structure/
[S41] City & State New York, NYC-DSA 2026 endorsements — https://www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/05/mamdani-and-aoc-endorse-dsa-legislative-candidates-not-same-ones/413872/
[S42] DSA Inc. FY2020–FY2024 filing history and FY2024 Form 990 data — https://philanthropy.org/990/report/133109557/democratic-socialists-of-america-inc
[S43] DSA Fund, IRS-derived grantor totals, FY2019–FY2024 — https://philanthropy.org/990/who-funds/132893010/democratic-socialists-of-america-fund-inc
[S44] DSA Fund, IRS-derived grants paid to recipients, FY2020–FY2024 — https://philanthropy.org/990/grants-by/132893010/democratic-socialists-of-america-fund-inc
[S45] ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, New York City Democratic Socialists of America Inc., EIN 33-2776362 — https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/332776362
[S46] ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, Chicago Democratic Socialists of America, EIN 36-3552084 — https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/363552084
[S47] Federal Election Commission, NYC-DSA Federal PAC C00879734 — https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00879734/
[S48] NYC Campaign Finance Board transaction search, Mamdani campaign expenditure to NYC-DSA, September 15, 2025 — https://www.nyccfb.info/FTMSearch/Candidates/Expenditures?cand=2899&ec=2025&ir=NYC+Democratic+Socialists+of+A&purpose=OTHER+
[S49] NYC Campaign Finance Board, Follow the Money database — https://fulldisclosure.nyccfb.info/FTMSearch/Home/FTMSearch
[S50] DSA National Political Committee, January 2026 newsletter and chapter-funding announcement — https://www.dsausa.org/news/jan2026_npc_newsletter/
[S51] DSA National Political Committee, February 2026 newsletter and Chapter Development Grants — https://www.dsausa.org/news/feb2026_npc_newsletter/
[S52] DSA Org Tools, chapter budgeting — https://orgtools.dsausa.org/org-tools-budget
[S53] City & State New York, “NYC-DSA approves $95k leader salaries” (August 30, 2026) — https://www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/08/nyc-dsa-approves-95k-leader-salaries/415718/
[S54] DSA 2025 convention coalition discussion — https://convention2025.dsausa.org/political-exchange/
[S55] Federal Election Commission, DSA Inc. PAC C00419572, 2025–2026 committee summary — https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00419572/
[S56] New York campaign-finance data, NYC DSA Political Committee — https://www.transparencyusa.org/ny/committee/nyc-dsa-political-committee-new-york-city-democratic-socialists-of-america-19745
[S57] New York contributor records for Jesse Meyerson and Jeremy Cohan — https://www.transparencyusa.org/ny/contributor/jesse-meyerson/contributions ; https://www.transparencyusa.org/ny/contributor/jeremy-cohan
[S58] City of Austin Ethics Commission, Form SPAC report listing an Austin DSA in-kind contribution (October 15, 2025) — https://services.austintexas.gov/edims/document.cfm?id=461715
[S59] ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, Metro DC Democratic Socialists of America, EIN 82-5231340 — https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/825231340
[S60] ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, Philadelphia Democratic Socialists of America, EIN 81-4444518 — https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/814444518
[S61] DSA National Electoral Commission, 2026 endorsement posts — https://electoral.dsausa.org/category/endorsement/
[S62] Democratic Left, “Meet NYC DSA’s 2026 Slate” — https://democraticleft.dsausa.org/2026/06/20/meet-nyc-dsas-2026-slate/
[S63] Brookings, “Democratic socialist candidates show gains but limited reach in 2026” — https://www.brookings.edu/articles/democratic-socialist-candidates-show-gains-but-limited-reach-in-2026/
[S64] DSA National Political Committee, “NPC Statement on 2018 Elections” — https://www.dsausa.org/statements/npc-statement-on-2018-elections/
[S65] DSA, “Support DSA Candidates for the Aug. 4th Elections!!” (2020) — https://www.dsausa.org/calendar/support-dsa-candidates-for-the-aug-4th-elections/
[S66] DSA National Electoral Commission, “DSA Election Night 2025 — Results” — https://2025.electoral.dsausa.org/
[S67] Socialist Forum, “Power from Below: How City Workers Elected a Socialist Mayor and Organized a Movement” — https://socialistforum.dsausa.org/issues/convention-2025/power-from-below/
[S68] DSA National Political Committee, August 25, 2025 newsletter, including Rashida Tlaib’s convention speech — https://www.dsausa.org/news/aug2025_npc_newsletter/
[S69] Associated Press, report on the Harvard federal research-funding appeal (October 5, 2026) — https://apnews.com/article/90b6afecad67b98b886cd49a67ecde5c
[S70] DSA National Electoral Commission, “What Makes a Good DSA Campaign?” — https://electoral.dsausa.org/what-makes-a-good-dsa-campaign/
[S71] City & State New York, DSA’s 2028 presidential endorsement and Resolution 33 — https://www.cityandstateny.com/politics/2026/07/dsa-debates-how-debate-aoc-presidential-endorsement/414769/
[S72] DSA National Electoral Commission, current endorsement criteria — https://electoral.dsausa.org/dsa-endorsement/
Appendix A. Major organizational milestones
Year / Period | Milestone | Why it matters |
1970s | DSOC and the New American Movement developed as distinct currents of the U.S. left. | Institutional antecedents of DSA. [S1] |
1982 | DSOC and NAM merged to form Democratic Socialists of America. | Established the national membership organization. [S1] |
2016 | Bernie Sanders’s presidential campaign helped bring renewed attention to democratic socialism and DSA. | Electoral organizing and membership growth became more prominent. [S2] |
2017 | DSA published “How to Sustain the Resistance to Trump and Win,” citing civil-resistance scholarship. | Documents DSA’s use of research on mass mobilization. [S25] |
2017 | DSA and UE established the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee. | Began their joint workplace-organizing project. [S20, S21] |
2018-2019 | Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez won the 2018 election and took office in 2019 as a DSA member and endorsed candidate. | Documents DSA’s primary-focused electoral work and an elected member. [S64] |
2025 | DSA’s national convention adopted Resolution 33 on building a left-labor coalition and running a socialist presidential candidate in 2028. | Connects coalition-building with national electoral party-building. [S71] |
2025–2027 | DSA elected its current National Political Committee. | Defines the current leadership term. [S40] |
2026 | “Workers Deserve More” program calls for a new constitution and major institutional restructuring. | Direct evidence of DSA’s stated constitutional objective. [S7] |
The original chronology says DSA and UE organized EWOC in 2020; EWOC’s own project description and DSA’s account date the project to 2017. The table also conflates Ocasio-Cortez’s 2018 election with taking office, which occurred in 2019.
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